Welcome

Welcome to Grappy's Soap Box - a platform for insightful commentary on politics, media, free speech, climate change, and more, focusing on Australia, the USA, and global perspectives.

Wednesday, 11 November 2026

Thorium Reactors: From Promise to Prototype

 


Eleven years after I first wrote about thorium, a Danish company is turning an extraordinary nuclear idea into real machinery. Could this be the breakthrough we've been waiting for?

Back in 2015, I wrote a post titled What the Heck Is Thorium?.

I was intrigued by the possibility that thorium could overcome some of the biggest objections to conventional nuclear power: safety, radioactive waste, fuel availability and cost.

I returned to the subject in my 2017 Thorium Nuclear Update.

The promise was enormous. But there was always one rather inconvenient problem.

Nobody had managed to turn that promise into an economically viable commercial power station.

Now, nearly a decade later, a Danish company called Copenhagen Atomics may be getting us considerably closer.

I recently watched a fascinating video examining its technology, including a visit to the company's workshops and a detailed explanation of the engineering problems it has been tackling.

What impressed me was not another grand prediction about nuclear energy. It was the machinery, the prototypes and the practical solutions being developed.

For the first time in years, I think thorium deserves another serious look.

Why thorium was so exciting in the first place

Thorium is a naturally occurring radioactive element, roughly three times as abundant in the Earth's crust as uranium.

It has extraordinary energy potential.

But thorium has a peculiar characteristic: it cannot directly sustain the nuclear chain reaction used to produce electricity.

Instead, thorium-232 must absorb a neutron and undergo a series of transformations to become uranium-233, which is an excellent nuclear fuel.

That means a suitably designed reactor can potentially manufacture much of its own fuel while operating.

Imagine a power station that starts with a modest quantity of conventional nuclear fuel, then gradually produces the fuel it needs from a plentiful material that might otherwise be discarded as a mining byproduct.

That is the attraction of a thorium breeder reactor.

And unlike conventional nuclear plants, which generally use solid uranium fuel rods and highly pressurised water, thorium can be used in a molten-salt reactor operating at relatively low pressure.

The potential advantages are substantial:

  • Safety: Low-pressure operation and passive shutdown systems can reduce certain accident risks.

  • Fuel efficiency: A successful breeder could extract far more energy from its fuel resources.

  • Waste: The thorium fuel cycle offers opportunities to reduce some long-lived radioactive waste, although it cannot eliminate radioactive waste.

  • Abundance: Thorium is widely available, including as a byproduct of rare-earth mining.

  • Cost: Compact, factory-manufactured reactors could avoid some of the enormous construction costs associated with conventional nuclear projects.

The physics has been understood for decades.

The difficulty has always been making the engineering work reliably and economically.

Enter Copenhagen Atomics

Copenhagen Atomics was founded in 2014 and has spent more than a decade developing a compact molten-salt reactor.

Its proposed commercial unit is designed to produce 100 megawatts of thermal energy, equivalent to approximately 42 megawatts of electricity when connected to suitable generating equipment.

The reactor module itself is designed around the dimensions of a standard shipping container.

That is a remarkable departure from the huge, individually constructed nuclear power stations we are accustomed to seeing.

The company calls its reactor design the Onion Core.

The name comes from its concentric layers, each performing a different function.

At the centre is a molten-salt fuel channel where nuclear fission produces heat and neutrons.

Surrounding it are layers of heavy water that slow the neutrons, helping maintain the chain reaction.

An outer blanket containing thorium captures other neutrons, gradually converting thorium into uranium-233.

The cleverness lies in making the most of every neutron.

A reactor must produce enough neutrons to maintain its own operation while also converting thorium into replacement fuel.

Lose too many neutrons to the surrounding structure or unwanted chemical reactions, and the breeding process fails.

Copenhagen Atomics has designed its geometry around this problem.

The company hopes eventually to develop reactors that can sustain themselves predominantly through thorium breeding.

There is an important qualification: its first planned commercial reactors will still require low-enriched uranium. The company describes them as approaching fuel self-sufficiency rather than achieving full breeding from the outset.

That is an intermediate step, but potentially an important one.

Solving the problems that defeated earlier attempts

The most interesting part of the video concerns two engineering challenges that have frustrated molten-salt reactor developers for decades.

First, corrosion.

Molten fluoride salts operate at temperatures around 600°C or higher. Unfortunately, impurities in those salts can attack the metal containing them.

Earlier researchers addressed this problem by developing specialised nickel-based alloys, including Hastelloy N.

These materials work, but they are expensive and introduce additional complications.

Copenhagen Atomics has taken a different approach.

Rather than relying entirely on exotic metals, it has developed methods of purifying the molten salts to extremely high standards.

The company reports that ordinary stainless steel exposed to its purified salts showed minimal corrosion after 3,000 hours of testing.

If those results hold up over years of operation inside an actual nuclear reactor, the implications for manufacturing costs could be substantial.

Second, the lithium problem.

The molten salts contain lithium, but not all lithium atoms behave alike.

Lithium-7 is useful because it absorbs relatively few neutrons.

Lithium-6, however, absorbs neutrons readily, robbing the reactor of particles needed to sustain the reaction and breed new fuel.

For a thorium breeder, that can be fatal to the economics of the design.

Copenhagen Atomics has therefore been developing highly enriched lithium-7 for its reactor salts.

These may sound like obscure technical details.

But they are precisely the kinds of problems that separate an attractive scientific theory from a commercially useful machine.

And that is why this project interests me.

A different approach to nuclear safety

Another important feature is the reactor's proposed passive safety system.

In a conventional light-water reactor, the combination of high pressure, hot water and the need for continuous cooling creates particular engineering challenges.

Copenhagen Atomics proposes a low-pressure molten-salt system in which a serious loss of power or pumping capability would cause the fuel salt to drain by gravity into specially designed tanks.

There, the nuclear chain reaction would stop and the material could cool.

This does not make the reactor risk-free. Radioactive materials still require containment, shielding and long-term management.

But it potentially eliminates some of the accident mechanisms associated with conventional reactors.

The company also plans to replace the reactor's internal module approximately every five years, retaining the valuable fuel salts for reuse.

Rather than attempting to make every component last for decades, the idea is to manufacture replaceable units economically.

It is an interesting engineering philosophy: make the reactor compact, standardised and serviceable.

Could nuclear power really become this cheap?

Here is where the story becomes particularly interesting.

Copenhagen Atomics is proposing a price of approximately US$50 million for each 100-megawatt thermal reactor module, plus an annual fuel and maintenance fee of around US$2 million.

Its target cost for the nuclear heat and reactor service is approximately US$10 per megawatt-hour.

Once electricity generation equipment, site costs and other infrastructure are included, the company is targeting approximately US$30–40 per megawatt-hour of electricity.

If achieved, that would be competitive with many established forms of electricity generation and dramatically cheaper than numerous recent conventional nuclear projects.

It could also provide reliable electricity around the clock, without depending on sunshine or wind.

But these figures are targets based on the company's engineering and commercial models.

They are not yet prices demonstrated by an operating commercial power station.

The real test will come when the technology operates continuously, meets regulatory requirements and can be manufactured repeatedly at the predicted cost.

Still, the possibility is sufficiently important that it deserves serious attention.

The next test is in Switzerland

Copenhagen Atomics has built two full-scale non-nuclear prototypes, with a third under development. The next milestone is nuclear testing through the BALDER project, in collaboration with Switzerland's Paul Scherrer Institute.

Initial testing is now expected no earlier than 2028, with commercial reactors targeted for the early 2030s.

These are ambitious timelines, and significant engineering and regulatory hurdles remain. But this is no longer simply a theoretical exercise.

What about Australia?

Australia has substantial thorium resources and an obvious interest in reliable, affordable, low-emission electricity.

Our nuclear debate tends to focus on conventional reactors and today's costs. Yet the technology is evolving.

If Copenhagen Atomics delivers on its promises, compact thorium reactors could change that debate considerably.

We should not commit to unproven technology. Equally, we should not make fifty-year energy decisions assuming that today's technology is the last word.

Is thorium's moment finally arriving?

When I first wrote about thorium in 2015, the promise was extraordinary. The engineering wasn't ready.

Eleven years later, Copenhagen Atomics has made tangible progress towards solving some of the problems that held it back.

There is still no commercially proven thorium breeder reactor. But if the Danish team succeeds, we could see a new generation of compact, safer and potentially much cheaper nuclear power.

After more than half a century of promises, thorium may finally be moving from scientific possibility to commercial reality.

That is a development worth watching.

Grappy


Further reading and viewing

Tuesday, 10 November 2026

Weekly Roundup - Top Articles and Commentary from Week 46 of 2026


      

Here are links to some selected articles of interest and our posts from this week.


Cartoon of the Day





We welcome all feedback; please feel free to submit your comments or contact me via email at grappysb@gmail.com or on X at @grappysb

How Much Can We Trust AI?




Ask an AI chatbot about a war, an election or a scientific controversy and it will give you a neat answer in seconds. The sentences are clear. The tone is calm. It sounds as though someone has weighed the evidence and reached a considered conclusion.

But what if the chatbot has simply inherited somebody else’s version of events?

The edit war you never see

In January, I wrote about the risk of Wikipedia’s editorial biases finding their way into AI. A recent piece from HonestReporting brings that question closer to home. What happens when a dispute over the wording of a Wikipedia article becomes part of the answer a chatbot gives you today? 

HonestReporting points to a Toronto event advertised as a “Free Palestine Wiki Edit-a-Thon.” Organisers offered to train participants to edit Wikipedia and then work together on articles. There is nothing inherently wrong with teaching people to edit an encyclopedia. But when an event is organised around an explicit political cause, it’s fair to ask how the resulting edits will be checked for balance. 

Wikipedia has already had to referee disputes over articles on Israel and the Palestinians. In January 2025, its Arbitration Committee barred eight editors from working on the topic. Reporting at the time identified six as pro-Palestinian and two as pro-Israel. The bans show that Wikipedia has a way to deal with disruptive editing. They also show how fiercely people fight over what goes into an encyclopedia many readers take at face value. 

How the bias travels

There are two ways a source can influence an AI answer. Its text can be part of the material the model learned from during training. Or an AI tool with web access can find the page when you ask your question and use it to compose a response. HonestReporting’s piece highlights that second route. It gives us reason to scrutinise the answers, although tracing any one answer to a particular edit takes more evidence. 

An outright falsehood is often the easiest problem to spot. Framing is harder. Which event gets the first paragraph? Whose account is presented as fact and whose is introduced as a claim? What happened the day before, and did it make it into the summary? Every sentence can be defensible on its own while the overall account leaves a misleading impression.

On Wikipedia, a curious reader can look at the footnotes, the editing history and the arguments on the discussion page. A chatbot can compress all of that into three tidy paragraphs. Unless you follow the links, you may never know there was an argument in the first place.

So how much should we trust it?

I use AI and will keep using it. It’s a quick way to get oriented on an unfamiliar subject. But on a disputed question, I want to see where the answer came from. If three citations all lead back to the same original claim, I’ve still got one source. And if the chatbot gives me a conclusion I’m already inclined to believe, that’s an especially good time to open the links.

The Israel example should concern us whatever our politics. The same mechanism can carry someone’s preferred account of an election, a public health controversy or a government’s record. The more people rely on a single answer, the more it matters who shaped the sources behind it.

The next time AI gives you a confident answer on a question people are still fighting over, ask it one more question. What evidence would make you change that answer? Then see whether the evidence it gives you is worth trusting.

Further reading

Friday, 6 November 2026

Trump Lost Congress. Did His Achievements Get Lost Too?




The Republicans have lost Congress. That's a serious defeat. But is the political reaction proportionate, and why have some significant achievements received so little attention?

The American midterm elections have produced a decisive victory for the Democrats. They have taken control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate, seriously restricting Donald Trump's ability to pursue his legislative agenda.

The headlines have been dramatic. A blue wave. A repudiation of Trump. A president whose second term is already in trouble.

There is no disguising the result. Losing both houses of Congress is a substantial political setback.

But before accepting the prevailing interpretation, two questions deserve attention.

How unusual is this result historically? And why does the discussion of Trump's failures so often overshadow any examination of what his administration has actually achieved?

First, put the result into perspective

American presidents have a long history of suffering setbacks in midterm elections. The president's party has lost House seats in 18 of the previous 20 midterms.

Consider the record:



The 2026 House result is therefore substantial, but not unprecedented. The gains reported so far are smaller than the losses suffered by Clinton in 1994, Obama in 2010 or Trump himself in 2018. The final comparison must await completion of the count.

The Senate tells a more serious story. Democrats have flipped at least seven Republican-held seats and taken control of the chamber. That is a significant shift, particularly given the states in which they won.

Losing both houses matters. It changes the balance of power in Washington and gives Democrats the ability to block legislation and pursue investigations.

But historical perspective matters too.

A midterm defeat does not automatically mean that a presidency has failed, any more than a midterm victory guarantees future success.

What about Trump's achievements?

Much of the post-election discussion has focused on Trump's personality, his controversial statements, the Iran war and the cost of living.

Those are legitimate subjects.

But a serious assessment of his administration should also consider its record.

Border security. The reduction in illegal crossings at the southern border has been dramatic. Government figures show a substantial decline in apprehensions. Whatever one's views about immigration enforcement, the reduction is a significant policy outcome.

Crime. FBI figures show that violent crime fell sharply in 2025, including a substantial decline in murder. The downward trend began before Trump's return to office, so he cannot claim all the credit. Nevertheless, the continuing improvement is an important development that deserves attention.

Government efficiency. The administration has challenged federal spending, cancelled contracts and pursued alleged waste and fraud. Its Department of Government Efficiency has claimed substantial savings. 

China, Iran and Venezuela. Trump has pursued a confrontational approach toward governments he regards as strategic adversaries. His supporters point to increased pressure and efforts to constrain their influence. 

These are not insignificant areas of government policy.

Yet they have often struggled to compete for attention with Trump's latest controversy.

The economy: Trump inherited the prices, not just the inflation

Perhaps the most misunderstood issue in this election has been the cost of living.

Victor Davis Hanson has pointed to a striking comparison. Inflation reached 9.1% during Biden's presidency, compared with 3.7% in September 2026. Gasoline prices were also exceptionally high in 2022.

But there is a distinction that seems to be missing from much of the political discussion.

Reducing inflation does not reduce prices. It merely slows the rate at which they increase.

Suppose groceries cost $100 before the inflationary surge. After a 20% increase, they cost $120. Reduce inflation to 3%, and the following year they cost $123.60.

The inflation rate has fallen dramatically. Yet the family is still paying nearly 24% more than before.

Those accumulated price increases do not disappear when a new president takes office.

And this is where Trump's economic record needs to be considered more carefully.

The high inflation of the Biden years left American households with a substantially higher cost base. Even if inflation subsequently moderates, wages must grow faster than prices over a sustained period before purchasing power fully recovers.

Recent figures show that this recovery remains incomplete. Nominal wages have increased, but inflation has absorbed much of those gains.

Trump also bears responsibility for developments during his own presidency. Tariffs and the Iran war have contributed to renewed price pressures, particularly for fuel.

Nevertheless, blaming today's entire cost-of-living problem on the current administration ignores the cumulative effect of earlier inflation.

Voters remember what things used to cost. Economists measure how quickly prices are changing. They are not asking quite the same question.

The political problem is that voters do not experience inflation as an annual percentage. They experience it at the supermarket checkout and petrol pump.

A president may be able to slow inflation relatively quickly. Restoring the purchasing power lost over several years is a much longer undertaking.

And there is little electoral reward for explaining that distinction to someone who is still struggling to pay the bills.

Trump is often his own worst enemy

There is another explanation for why achievements may receive less attention than Trump expects.

Trump has an extraordinary ability to dominate the news. Unfortunately for him, he does not always dominate it in ways that help his own cause.

His confrontational style, personal attacks, extravagant claims and repeated threats generate enormous coverage.

Critics regard this as evidence of poor judgement. Supporters often see it as a willingness to challenge established political conventions.

Either way, it has consequences.

Consider Iran.

The administration's military campaign and diplomatic pressure deserve assessment against their strategic objectives. But Trump's repeated public threats have also created expectations that are difficult to satisfy.

When a president announces dramatic consequences and those consequences do not immediately follow, the discussion shifts from what has been achieved to whether the president has lost credibility.

The announcement becomes the story, rather than the outcome.

Would Trump have been better served by saying less, allowing his administration's actions to speak for themselves and announcing results only when they were achieved?

We cannot know whether that would have changed the election.

But it is reasonable to wonder whether a more disciplined public presentation would have made it easier for voters to judge his record.

Is Trump judged by a different standard?

Trump has been a polarising figure since entering national politics.

Some of that hostility reflects genuine disagreements over policy, democratic institutions and presidential conduct. Some reflects his own deliberate provocations.

But there is also a broader question about the way political narratives develop.

Once a politician becomes defined primarily by controversy, even significant policy achievements can struggle to receive sustained attention.

Conversely, every mistake becomes further evidence supporting an established interpretation.

Trump's relationship with much of the American media has been openly adversarial for years. The coverage frequently applies standards that are not applied equally to other politicians.

There is also a generational dimension. Younger voters encounter politics through universities, social media and cultural institutions, where attitudes toward Trump can be particularly negative. 

It raises the question whether voters are receiving a sufficiently complete account of what governments do, rather than a continuous negative account of what politicians say.

Trump's administration should be judged on its actual results—including failures—not simply on its president's latest remarks.

A defeat, not a final verdict

The Republicans have suffered a real defeat. Losing both houses of Congress is consequential, and the Democrats have every reason to regard the result as a significant electoral success.

The electorate has also sent a message about affordability, economic confidence and the direction of the administration.

But midterm elections are not final judgments on presidencies.

History shows that presidents can suffer substantial congressional losses without those losses defining their entire record.

Trump has delivered measurable changes in some areas, made contested claims in others, and created political difficulties through his own conduct.

Perhaps the most interesting lesson is that a president can dominate the political conversation so completely that his personality overshadows his policies—even when those policies have had measurable success.

That may be Trump's greatest political strength.

And, as these midterms suggest, one of his greatest weaknesses.



Monday, 2 November 2026